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Manifest Destinies: The Making of the Mexican American Race, by Laura E. Gomez
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Watch the Author Interview on KNME
In both the historic record and the popular imagination, the story of nineteenth-century westward expansion in America has been characterized by notions of annexation rather than colonialism, of opening rather than conquering, and of settling unpopulated lands rather than displacing existing populations.
Using the territory that is now New Mexico as a case study, Manifest Destinies traces the origins of Mexican Americans as a racial group in the United States, paying particular attention to shifting meanings of race and law in the nineteenth century.
Laura E. G�mez explores the central paradox of Mexican American racial status as entailing the law's designation of Mexican Americans as &#“white” and their simultaneous social position as non-white in American society. She tells a neglected story of conflict, conquest, cooperation, and competition among Mexicans, Indians, and Euro-Americans, the region’s three main populations who were the key architects and victims of the laws that dictated what one’s race was and how people would be treated by the law according to one’s race.
G�mez’s path breaking work—spanning the disciplines of law, history, and sociology—reveals how the construction of Mexicans as an American racial group proved central to the larger process of restructuring the American racial order from the Mexican War (1846–48) to the early twentieth century. The emphasis on white-over-black relations during this period has obscured the significant role played by the doctrine of Manifest Destiny and the colonization of northern Mexico in the racial subordination of black Americans.
- Sales Rank: #138937 in Books
- Published on: 2008-09-01
- Released on: 2008-09-01
- Original language: English
- Number of items: 1
- Dimensions: 8.80" h x .60" w x 5.90" l, .75 pounds
- Binding: Paperback
- 242 pages
Review
“Gomez has made a fine and distinctive contribution to our understanding of how conquest and law shaped the ambiguous racial position still occupied by Mexican Americans.”
-American Historical Review
“In her discussion of the role of law in the creation of Mexican Americans as a racial group G�mez tells a convincing story of conquerors manipulating the conquered.”
-The Santa Fe New Mexican
“Shows the impacts (then, as now) of the dominant white racist frame coming in from outside what was once northern Mexico.”
-Racism Review
“In this provocative analysis, the sociologist and legal scholar Laura E. G�mez offers a compelling argument for the unique racial status of Mexican Americans, significant (and increasing) proportions of whom identify as nonwhite… her steady focus and original approach make Manifest Destinies essential reading for scholars of race in America.”
-Journal of American History
“Laura E. G�mez’s Manifest Destinies offers a new interpretation of the ideology of Manifest Destiny and how that ideology worked to create a Mexican American race in New Mexico.”
-Hispanic American Historical Review
About the Author
A native New Mexican, Laura E. G�mez is Professor of Law and American Studies at the University of New Mexico. She is the author of Misconceiving Mothers: Legislators, Prosecutors, and the Politics of Prenatal Drug Exposure.
Most helpful customer reviews
18 of 23 people found the following review helpful.
It's all about understanding
By E G Lopez
My dad, god rest his soul, used to wryly say, "Tu que sabes tanto, y entiendes menos," (You who know so much and understand so little.) The fact is, more often than not, we do know more than we understand. I'll leave the technical evaluation of Laura Gomez' work to those who know more than I do. I don`t agree with all of her conclusions but I give her work five stars for the understanding it has given me of things I already knew, things I had already experienced. It never occurred to me for example that race was not something immutable but instead was a social construct, the category assigned by the dominant group. When I was a kid, we were taught that there were three races: white, black and yellow (figure me that). We weren't Chinese and we weren't Negroes (that was what we used back then) so we had to be white, Caucasian. My mother and her blue-eyed brothers could make the argument, I suppose; more difficult for my dark-skinned father, indiado (I never heard the word "mestizo" growing up; don't know where that word came from). But no matter how my mother squirmed and squawked, "You're not Mexican (nobody wanted to be Mexican), you're Spanish," or alternatively, "You're not Spanish-Americans, you're Americans," it didn't change the fact. We were what the Anglo had already said we were and it certainly wasn't white. Maybe not even Americans, no matter how many uncles or siblings we had lost in the wars.
So when Laura Gomez explained that race was assigned, a little light bulb came on in my head. "Ahhh, so that's what it was all about." I find her recitation of the history of the social, political and legal machinations surrounding the analysis and assigning of racial categories in American society endlessly fascinating. I just didn't realize. The one drop rule, the reverse one drop rule, the supreme court cases affirming that blacks weren't people, but that Mexicans, though mongrel, were kinda white, the arguments in Congress. You're not taught any of this stuff in the sanitized version of U.S. History you get in the schools. And so you never come to have any kind of an understanding of how you've come to be where you're at. Maybe it's not all your fault after all Maybe if it hadn't all been all glossed over and sanitized and idealized then maybe you would have had a better handle on what that obstacle was in front of you, the contradiction, and been better equipped to overcome it. Maybe the blacks were lucky (sorry about that). They couldn't escape their blackness. They finally had to bring it to a head. There was no other way out for them. But we could hope to escape our Spanishness, I suppose, especially if we didn't mind changing our last names. Hell, the Italianos and Judios, who used to all speak Spanish with us in the early days, all became Anglos. I guess we could too.
Except, that somehow it never happened. We still stayed Mexicans. And we couldn't figure out why. We could get college degrees, we could become teachers, lawyers, engineers, still just a bunch of Mexicans. Our race had already been assigned. Which shouldn't have surprised us I suppose since we ourselves called ourselves "La Raza." So I begin to understand a little bit more about what I know. Thank you, Laura.
Now, I don't believe, as Laura Gomez concludes, that the conquering Americans allowed the Mexicans to be kinda white in order to drive a wedge between the Mexicans and the Pueblo Indians. I don't believe they're that smart. I don't disagree that it happened. But I believe we did it to ourselves. I believe we ourselves drove in the wedge in an unseemly kind of squabbling over the crumbs from the master's table. Kind of like the fussing between manitos and serumatos equally stooped and exploited in the Colorado beet fields, but each trying to find someone to look down on. Instead of making common cause with our Pueblo Indian allies we sold them out for a bit of white porridge. And yet they don't seem to hold it against us. Go over to Sandia Pueblo on a fiesta day and watch the Spanish people coming over from Bernalillo and sitting down on a first-name basis to enjoy the Sandians' hospitality. I remember back when it was not uncommon to hear someone say, "Que bonita, tan blanca" (how pretty she is, so white). I hope those days are permanently behind us. But I kinda don't think so. Understanding helps.
21 of 26 people found the following review helpful.
Ambitious, Engaging, and Lacking Nuance
By R. Borneman
Laura G�mez' work on "The Making of the Mexican American Race" is an effort to engage law, sociology and history (7 - 8) in an effort to create "a coherent national story to be told about Mexican Americans." (8) Her efforts, however, to use New Mexico's history as a focal point through which such a broader (and not localized) narrative can be created falls apart, in part due to her failure to address the very historical and regional variation which she seeks to subsume in her larger vision. Her weakness in familiarity with regional variation (i.e. Texas and California) and historical antecedents (in the Spanish colonial period) limit her ability to make effective arguments.
G�mez fails to explore the different modes of Spanish-colonial interactions with Indians on the frontier of the empire, assuming, rather, a somewhat monolithic and oversimplified narrative of the "brutality of Spanish Colonialism towards Indians" (79). In overly broad and simplistic assertions such as: "both the Spanish and American colonial enterprises were grounded in racism" (10) she falls into the well-worn recapitulation of the Black Legend, neatly reiterating her North American academic predecessors' (white, English, and Protestant) views of the Spanish-Catholic imperial enterprise.
G�mez employs an ambiguous (alternating between synonymous and dichotomous) use of the terms "native" and "Mexican". In describing Ignacia Jaramillo's race, G�mez describes her as both "Mexican" and "a native woman" in the same sentence (24), leaving her readers to ponder what distinctions G�mez makes, if any, between New Mexico Indians and Mexican mestizos (both of which she conflates in her accounts of the Santa Fe and Taos uprisings of 1847). Rather than use her subject's own self-definition, she coins terms to describe them e.g. "off-white" (84). G�mez imposes her own (anachronistic) vocabulary on her subjects, failing to explore the ways in which they might have described themselves in their own voices.
She does provide us with some fascinating points for discussion and further investigation. Her passages on Estevan (48 - 50), Lebaron Bradford Prince (64 - 71), and the impact of Scott vs. Sanford (133 - 135) reveal her at her best: exposing the complexities and messiness of the historical period. It is when she retreats from historical messiness and complexity to a more stereotypical vision of "aggressors versus victims" that her work undermines itself. When she interrogates categories (state citizenship vs. federal citizenship) her work starts to become illuminating (42 - 44) until she shies away from explaining the critical difference between federal privileges and immunities versus "political rights" (44); she utterly neglects to explain why such differences had been legislated as early as the 1777 U.S. Articles of Confederation.
While her efforts (towards revealing the way in which Mexican American racial formation could have developed in New Mexico in the 19th century) are laudable, G�mez' scholarship remains handicapped by her unfamiliarity with the Spanish colonial era, her reliance on anachronistic terminology, and her inability to explore comparative developments in other regions.
1 of 1 people found the following review helpful.
A revelation to a native New Mexican of Hispanic background
By Anthony B. Jeffries
Well researched, based on statistics and facts rather than opinion or racial assumptions. This is an analysis and reporting that reminds us that race and prejudice are alive today, and that the victims of racial prejudice are often contributing to the problem. We of Hispanic backgrounds are aware of racial sectioning, and yet think of our difference as cultural or ethnic. Yet we make racial distinctions without meaning to, even among Hispanics.The United States is rife with racial perspective, and "finding our place on the American seen" can mean finding where we fit in the racial spectrum. This is buying into the scourge of racism. I realize now that my own assumptions and language put me in "the belly of the beast," by contributing to a racial perspective on what it means to be Hispanic or Latino (or whatever the magic word is today).
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